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Iraq

Selected Research, Testimony, and Commentary

Shortcomings in Planning for Post-Combat Period in Iraq — Jun. 30, 2008

three soldiers in urban warfare training

Efforts to adequately plan for the post-combat period in Iraq were thwarted by overly optimistic views held by top civilian leaders and a belief among military leaders that civilian authorities would be responsible for postwar operations.

Improving Outcomes in Iraq Depends on Better Tracking of Violence Against Iraqis — Jun. 16, 2008

Young wounded Iraqi boy

A formalized system of data collection will help monitor the extent and type of violence against Iraq civilians and will help improve U.S. counterinsurgency efforts.

U.S. Military Prone to Operations Not in Accord with COIN Doctrine — Jun. 4, 2008

soldiers battle iraq insurgency by Stacy L. Pearsall USAF

Similarities between the Vietnam War and current Middle East operations reveal our military is apt to engage in traditional warfare despite the more nuanced tactics called for by counter-insurgency doctrine.

Unbeknownst to U.S., Islamic Media Shapes the Mid-East — May 23, 2008

media conference

A DVD is now available of a conference RAND sponsored to build awareness of popular media initiatives in the Islamic world that are successfully combating extremist agendas.

New Approaches to Intelligence, Surveillance, and Reconnaissance Operations — May 8, 2008

Photo Courtesy of the US Air Force

The U.S. Air Force has greatly increased the number of operational surveillance sensors and its ability to process data from these sensors. However, along with the increased number of sensors comes an increase in the complexity of the tasking of these assets.

Rethinking Counterinsurgency to Respond to the Evolving Jihadist Insurgency — May 5, 2008

soldier riding bike with boys running alongside

Despite great technological and military advances, British and U.S. counterinsurgency (COIN) operations have been slow to respond and adapt to the rise of the global jihadist insurgency. Operational failures have highlighted the need for the West to rethink and retool its current COIN strategy.

Center Assesses Post-Deployment Health-Related Needs of Iraq Veterans — May 11, 2008

Soldier with concerned partner

The Invisible Wounds of War Study assessed Iraq veterans' health-related needs associated with PTSD, major depression, and traumatic brain injury, examined the treatment capacity of the current health care system, and estimated the costs of providing quality health care to all military members who need it.

Give Them Sabbaticals — May 7, 2008

Photo Courtesy of Flickr

In academia and, increasingly, corporate America, sabbaticals are a time-honored way to step aside from the daily grind and intellectually reboot. The U.S. Army should embrace something similar, writes Laura Miller.

A House of Tribes for Iraq — Apr. 25, 2008

Image courtesy of Flicker

Many western notions of governance may be struggling to take hold in Iraq, but one that deserves a close look is the effort to create what would amount to a unique upper legislative body: The House of Tribes, write Theodore Karasik and Ghassan Schbley.

One In Five Iraq and Afghanistan Veterans Suffer from PTSD or Major Depression — Apr. 17, 2008

soldiers in shadow

Nearly 20 percent of military service members who have returned from Iraq and Afghanistan — 300,000 in all — report symptoms of post traumatic stress disorder or major depression, yet only slightly more than half have sought treatment.

Iraq Needs an Ownership Surge — Apr. 13, 2008

Iraqi construction workers, photo courtesy U.S. Army

The military surge in Iraq has created conditions favorable for long-term stability. Now a new approach to economic reconstruction is needed to sustain the hard-fought military gains, write Clare Lockhart and Joseph Konzelmann.

Real Roles, Missions Debate — Apr. 7, 2008

Courtesy of U.S. Air Force

The United States can and should move beyond a "one size fits all" approach to sizing military forces toward a construct that shapes each service for the types of operations it is actually expected to conduct in the future, write Andrew Hoehn and David Ochmanek.

Iraq's Sunni Time Bomb — Apr. 3, 2008

Iraqi police recruits, photo courtesy U.S. Army

While the recent fighting in Basra and Baghdad has alerted many Americans to the danger that Shiite-on-Shiite violence poses to our goals in Iraq, it should not divert our focus from another looming threat: that the Sunni tribesmen who have sided with the American-led coalition may turn against us, writes Matthew Sherman.

Developing U.S. Civilian Personnel Capabilities in State-Building Operations — Mar. 19, 2008

Civilian staffing in reconstruction effort

Recent U.S. experiences in Afghanistan and Iraq have shown that engaging in stability and reconstruction operations is a difficult and lengthy process that requires appropriate resources. A framework for improving U.S. civilian personnel and staffing programs for state-building efforts could help.

U.S. Failed to Monitor and Adapt to Insurgent Trends in Iraq — Mar. 11, 2008

U.S. solider giving Iraqi goods

The inability of the United States to monitor insurgent trends in Iraq and apply new counterinsurgency tactics led many Iraqi civilians to side with sectarian groups, propelling the country to the brink of civil war.

Women and Nation-Building — Feb. 27, 2008

Women and nation-building

Women's participation in post-conflict nation-building is an important ingredient in achieving an equitable, peaceful and more prosperous society. Leaders should include women in the earliest economic reconstruction activities.

United States Lacks the Capability to Counter Insurgency in the Muslim World — Feb. 11, 2008

Solider in COIN mission, DoD photo by Staff Sgt. Stacy L. Pearsall, U.S. Air Force

Iraq and Afghanistan have revealed serious shortfalls in the capabilities of the U.S. to counter insurgency in the Muslim world. Instead of relying predominantly on military occupation, the U.S. must become more able to bolster the ability of threatened states to win the contest for the support of their people.

International Perspectives on Interagency Reform — Jan. 30, 2008

Soldier giving child injection, photo courtesy of www.definselink.mil

In testimony presented before the Armed Services Committee, Nora Bensahel discusses the lack of civilian capacity in stability and nation building operations, which has led to an overreliance on military forces.

Make Room for Refugees — Dec. 16, 2007

Iraqi refugees, photo courtesy U.S. Marine Corps

Today, tens of thousands of Iraqis are in grave danger, targeted because they have worked with the United States. Many have been murdered. Others have fled their homes because of attacks or threats… Many want to come to America, and we should welcome them, writes Olga Oliker.

U.S. Should Take Advantage of Improved Security in Iraq to Withdraw — Dec. 2, 2007

Iraqi Army solider, photo courtesy U.S. Army

Because security in Iraq is improving, the United States now has a chance to achieve the best realistic outcome of its unfortunate invasion and occupation: extricating the bulk of U.S. forces without making things worse, writes David C. Gompert.

International Cooperation Needed to Keep Terrorists from Gaining Advanced Weapons — Nov. 14, 2007

terrorist with sniper rifle

International cooperation is needed to keep a new generation of advanced conventional weapons from falling into the hands of terrorists. Efforts should focus on making security forces aware of the emerging threats and developing safeguards for the most potent of the weapons.

Army Resource Gaps Can Be Filled by Building Partner Capabilities — Nov. 6, 2007

Coalition flags

Ongoing operations and emerging mission requirements place a heavy burden on U.S. Army resources, resulting in capability gaps that the Army might fill by building appropriate capabilities in allies and partner armies through focused security cooperation.

The Right Way to Withdraw — Oct. 14, 2007

Iraqi girl receiving aid from U.S. soldier, photo courtesy U.S. Army

Had we not invaded Iraq, there are any number of better things we could do to fight terror with the billions the administration plans to spend in Iraq this year. [But w]e're involved too deeply in Iraq and Afghanistan to exit suddenly without fixing our mess, writes James Dobbins.

Regaining Information Superiority Against 21st-Century Insurgents — Sep. 27, 2007

Insurgent on cell phone

U.S. counterinsurgency efforts need to exploit information power by connecting with and learning from the population itself to increase the effectiveness of both the indigenous government and the U.S. military and civilian services that support it.

Unofficial Diplomacy Efforts Can Have a Positive Effect Over Long Term — Sep. 19, 2007

International diplomacy

Unofficial diplomatic discussions can play a significant role in shaping attitudes in the Middle East and Asia, but are best used as a long-term strategy without expectations for dramatic policy shifts.

Military Actions Have Stretched U.S. Army Thin — Sep. 18, 2007

Soldier

The Iraq debate is focused on whether to legislate the time that soldiers must be at home between overseas deployments. Stretched Thin discusses how to assess the tradeoffs among the number of combat units, the level of Iraq deployments, and the time that soldiers have at home.

A New Tact on Iraq — Aug. 24, 2007

Soldier in Iraq at  sunset, photo courtesy U.S. Army

As the sixth anniversary of the Sept. 11 terrorist attacks on the United States approaches, al Qaeda appears to be gaining strength. America remains on alert. As Brian Michael Jenkins states in this commentary for the Washington Post, it's reasonable to wonder whether, how and when this conflict will end.

The Real Analogy for Iraq — Aug. 24, 2007

U.S. soldiers and Iraqi troops, photo courtesy U.S. Army

The conflict raging in Iraq has been compared to many earlier wars, but the best historical comparison has been largely overlooked, write John Arquilla and David Ronfeldt in a commentary appearing in United Press International.

Are the Sunnis Changing Sides — Aug. 17, 2007

Rooftop security in Iraq, photo courtesy U.S. Army

Sunni insurgents are coming to the view that they cannot successfully resist both the U.S. and the Shiite-dominated government at the same time. Increasing numbers of Sunni fighters in Anbar Province are therefore preparing for a tactical accommodation with the less dangerous enemy, the U.S., writes James Dobbins.

U.S. Military Should Adopt Marketing Strategies to Reach Iraqi, Afghan Civilians — Jul. 17, 2007

Madison Avenue street sign

Adopting successful business marketing practices, such as branding and monitoring customer satisfaction, could help the U.S. military get more support from the local populations in Iraq and Afghanistan.

Iraqi Refugee Challenge — Jun. 28, 2007

Iraqi refugee children, photo courtesy CPT

Better relations with [Iraqi refugee children] and the rest of the Arab world's "youth bulge" should be a high priority for American foreign policy and assistance, writes Kristin Cordell.

A Comparative Evaluation of United Nations Peacekeeping — Jun. 25, 2007

United Nations peacekeepers in Congo

James Dobbins discusses the performance of the United Nations in peacekeeping missions in testimony presented before the House Committee on Foreign Affairs' Subcommittee on International Organizations, Human Rights, and Oversight.

Risks and Riddles — Jun. 01, 2007

The Soviet Union was a puzzle. Al Qaeda is a mystery. Gregory F. Treverton writes about why we need to know the difference.

Insights on Joint Urban Operations from Afghanistan and Iraq — May 25, 2007

U.S. soldier in Tal Afar, photo courtesy U.S. Army by Air Force Staff Sgt. Jacob Bailey

Today's strategic environment implies an obligation to preserve innocent life when possible and to rebuild that which war destroys. Various tools can help better enable military and civilian alike to meet these objectives by more effectively conducting urban combat and restoration.

The Counterinsurgency Fight: Think Globally, Lose Locally — Apr. 27, 2007

Soldier in Iraq, photo courtesy U.S. Army by by Kurt Gibbons III

Confronted with insurgents in some countries and a true global terror network operating in others, some people want to view these opponents as a monolithic force… The belief is also harmful, for four major reasons, write James T. Quinlivan and Bruce R. Nardulli.

Who Lost Iraq? — Apr. 16, 2007

Border patrol in Iraq, photo courtesy U.S. Army

As Iraqi and American public opinion pushes the United States inexorably toward the exit, a debate over who lost Iraq is already gaining momentum. There is no shortage of culprits, writes James Dobbins.

The Taliban Threat is Not Just America's Burden — Apr. 12, 2007

military patrol in Afghanistan, photo courtesy U.S. Army by Sgt. 1st Class Dexter D. Clouden

When President George W. Bush meets European Union leaders for the annual US-EU summit in Washington on April 30, Afghanistan will be high on the agenda. This offers the EU the chance to move beyond rhetoric and take action to show it can be a credible force in the world, writes Robert Hunter.

Iraqi Security Forces: Defining Challenges and Assessing Progress — Mar. 28, 2007

In testimony presented to House Armed Services Committee, Subcommittee on Oversight and Investigations, Olga Oliker discussed the Iraqi security forces, their status and development to date, and what we might want to know in the future to better assess progress.

Iran's Covert War in Iraq — Mar. 16, 2007

Explosively formed projectile

There are four critical differences between the case against Iran today and the WMD estimates involving Iraq in 2003. All these differences combine to build an overwhelming case for the accuracy of the reports about Iranian involvement in Iraq, writes Rick Brennan.

My Enemy's Enemy — Feb. 27, 2007

Somehow, the United States has maneuvered itself into a position where most Shiite and most Sunni, most Arabs and most Persians alike seem to regard America as their enemy, writes James Dobbins.

A Guide to Nation Building — Feb. 12, 2007

Iraqi woman voting (AP Photo/Karim Kadim)

In an effort to help governments better respond to serious challenges like those America has encountered in Iraq and Afghanistan, RAND has issued the first comprehensive step-by-step guide for nation-building.

Iraq's Jobs-for-Peace Mirage — Feb. 11, 2007

Iraqi workers, photo courtesy U.S. Air Force

As the wisdom of President Bush's proposed “surge” of US troops is debated across the US and around the world, another question about the US President's new policy to avert all-out civil war there is coming to the fore. Can using US funding to reopen Iraqi state-owned enterprises get young men to abandon the insurgency and sectarian militias?, writes Keith Crane.

America's Long Wars — Feb. 01, 2007

Chess game

It is clear that U.S. Defense Secretary Robert Gates, along with his leadership team in the Pentagon, will devote the preponderance of their time contending with the "long war" against radical Islam... But the "long war" is not so much a traditional conflict with discrete battles composing continuous, identifiable "campaigns. It is a long-term strategic challenge that will demand all elements of U.S. statecraft, write Andrew R. Hoehn and David A. Shlapak.

Put Iraqi Insurgents Out of Business — Jan. 29, 2007

Iraqi militants

The militias and insurgent groups that have turned Iraq into a killing field can't function without money. So as President Bush pursues a new war strategy, he should make sharply reducing the flow of money to them a top priority. If successful, this effort could give Iraq's government a fighting chance to curb the violence, writes Keith Crane.

No Need to Expand U.S. Army — Jan. 26, 2007

Soldiers deploying to Iraq, photo courtesy U.S. Army

President George W. Bush and Defense Secretary Robert Gates have announced plans to increase the size of the U.S. Army and Marines by 93,000, at a cost of $10 billion a year. At first blush, this seems to make sense. After all, it is now generally agreed that the United States has too few ground forces to meet its needs in Iraq without sapping its ability to defend American interests everywhere else. But on closer examination, the case for expanding the Army and Marines has not yet been made, writes David C. Gompert.

Coordination Could Breed Control in Iraq — Jan. 24, 2007

U.S. Ambassador William Taylor with soldier, photo by SPC Ismail Turay Jr. courtesy U.S. Army

[T]oo often, the different branches of the U.S. military and the U.S. government in Iraq have failed to effectively coordinate their activities with each other and with their Iraqi counterparts, writes Austin Long.

A Bad Plan for the Middle East — Jan. 17, 2007

Patriot missile, photo courtesy U.S. Army

President George W. Bush's most recent address to the American people on Iraq may be the scariest presidential message since Ronald Reagan announced that he had launched a nuclear strike against the Soviet Union. Reagan was just kidding. Bush is not, writes James Dobbins.

U.S. Doesn't Need the Draft — Dec. 11, 2006

I've examined the issue of the draft closely as director of selective service in the Carter administration, under secretary of defense for personnel and readiness in the Clinton administration, and in researching my new RAND Corp. book... All the evidence shows that the draft is not needed by the nation and not wanted by the majority of Americans, writes Bernard Rostker.

No Law and No Order — Dec. 01, 2006

Olga Oliker demonstrates that the Iraqi army and police are far less prepared than numbers and coalition reports suggest.

Grand Strategy for the Middle East — Nov. 19, 2006

Debate in the United States about the war in Iraq is seemingly about strategy but is really about tactics, as America struggles to control the damage without changing its basic objectives and policies in the Middle East. A strategic reassessment is needed to find a way to deal not just with Iraq, but with the other interrelated problems in the region, writes Robert E. Hunter.

Gates's Opportunity at Defense — Nov. 17, 2006

Robert Gates, nominated by President Bush to succeed Donald Rumsfeld as secretary of defense, will not have much time in office but he will have opportunity. Gates comes to the job without much baggage, either of ideology or policy. He didn't campaign for the job — indeed, he turned down the position of director of national intelligence when it was offered — so he has some independence. And he comes to office when desperation might make for a serious debate about policy toward Iraq, writes Gregory F. Treverton.

Crafting Terror Strategy — Oct. 18, 2006

A successful strategy in the war on terror demands convincing Muslims around the world that their interests are congruent with U.S. interests and not with those of the terrorists. Actions that conflict with this objective, whatever their short-term tactical value, should be avoided, write David Ochmanek and Lowell Schwartz.

Terror War Uncertainties — Oct. 06, 2006

The only certainty over the next five years is that events now unpredictable will profoundly affect the trajectory of the Global War on Terror. Nonetheless, we can attempt to look beyond the headlines and discern some long-range trends that can give us some idea about what the state of this unconventional war will be on Sept. 11, 2011, writes Brian Michael Jenkins.

What Went Wrong in Iraq? — Sep. 28, 2006

American military and diplomatic leaders have swung back and forth between various strategies to confront the hostile forces arrayed against them in Iraq. But despite recent U.S. initiatives, the fighting there only continues to intensify, particularly in Baghdad, writes Ed O'Connell.

State of Terrorism Address: What Would Osama Bin Laden Say to Jihadists Five Years Later? — Sep. 11, 2006

Osama Bin Laden has issued many audio- and videotapes to spread his message. But what might he tell his most loyal followers about the state of the global war against the infidels five years after 9/11?, writes Brian Michael Jenkins.

Safer, But Not Safe — Sep. 11, 2006

Five years after the terrorist attacks of Sept. 11, 2001, the global jihadist enterprise continues to pose the most immediate threat to U.S. national security. Its destruction must remain America's primary objective, writes Brian Michael Jenkins.

U.S. Mideast Setbacks — Sep. 01, 2006

The United States has suffered its second major setback in the Middle East—both at least partly self-inflicted and party due to faulty intelligence. The first was the invasion of Iraq and its aftermath. The second was failing to judge the course of the war in Lebanon and, once it was clear that the most advanced technology could be offset by the some of the most primitive—asymmetrical, guerrilla warfare—failing to stop the war before death and destruction rained down on Lebanon and Israel for weeks, writes Robert Hunter.

Mideast Peace: Bush Has a Job to Do — Aug. 30, 2006

The Arab-Israeli conflict has bedeviled every U.S. president for more than a half-century. President George W. Bush now has an opportunity to bring it to an end. This is in the interests of Israel, the Palestinians, and everyone in the Middle East who prefers peace to war. From the perspective of the United States, it has become a strategic imperative, writes Robert Hunter.

Lebanon's Sectarian Aftershocks — Aug. 08, 2006

In the volatile Middle East, America's efforts to build friendships have often created new enemies. Many of the divided religious and ethnic factions living in the region view any U.S. move to support one group as a hostile act toward that group's opponents, write Fred Wehrey and Dalia Dassa Kaye.

Protecting U.S. Interests In the Middle East — July 19, 2006

With fighting raging in Gaza, Israel, Lebanon, Iraq and Afghanistan, American interests are under immediate threat across much of the greater Middle East. Each day requires U.S. officials to make new tactical decisions to deal with rapidly changing developments, writes Robert E. Hunter.

Islam and the West: Searching for Common Ground: The Terrorist Threat and the Counter-Terrorism Effort — Jul. 18, 2006

In testimony presented to the Committee on Foreign Relations, Bruce Hoffman addresses the terrorist threat and the counter-terrorism effort, focusing on how the U.S. can ensure that its assessments and analyses of the threat are based on sound, empirical judgment and that its counterterrorism policy is sufficiently comprehensive, well crafted and effectively directed.

U.S. Options for Creating Transitional Security Forces — Jun. 28, 2006

Photo courtesy U.S. Army by Spc. Teddy Wade

In Iraq and elsewhere, the U.S. finds itself in need of a law enforcement capability for stability operations. How should such a force be created and what specific capabilities should it embody? Five major options, including cilivian and military, are explored.

The Middle East's Changing Strategic Environment — Jun. 15, 2006

Photo by Petty Officer 1st Class Michael Larson courtesy of the U.S. Army

A conference held jointly by the Geneva Centre for Security Policy and the RAND Center for Middle East Public Policy examined the changing strategic environment of the Middle East, with emphasis on the situation in Iraq; Iran's nuclear program; and strategies for countering Islamic terrorism.

Zarqawi Death Won't End War — Jun. 10, 2006

While the U.S. killing of Abu Musab al-Zarqawi has removed the leading terrorist from Iraq, it has not removed terrorism from the country. "We can expect the terrorists and insurgents to carry on without him," President George W. Bush said, commenting on Zarqawi's death in an American bombing attack June 7. The president is right on this point, writes Farhana Ali.

How Iraq's Neighbours Can Steer It Away From Destruction — Jun. 07, 2006

It is time to hold a peace conference on Iraq. Only a regional solution can end the continued fighting that threatens to spill over into neighbouring states, writes David Aaron.

Iraq and Beyond — Spring 2006

Cover: RAND Review, Spring 2006

The Spring 2006 Issue of RAND Review focuses on Iraq, outlining numerous lessons learned but not yet fully applied. Topics include sustaining U.S. forces, promoting reenlistments, rebuilding Iraqi security institutions, and more.


Averting War with Iran — May 2, 2006

As the Bush administration wrestles with how to respond to Iran's latest challenge, it would do well to reflect on the lessons of its military invasion in Iraq. The toppling of Saddam Hussein was supposed to lead to a democratic Iraq that would ignite the fires of democracy throughout the Greater Middle East. Instead, regime change in Iraq has sparked regional turmoil and set off a chain reaction of unintended consequences, write F. Stephen Larrabee and Peter A. Wilson.

Stability in Iraq Won't Come Without Disbanding Militias — May 2, 2006

While the formation of a new Iraqi government is one necessary condition to avert a civil war there, another is for the US and Iraqi governments to get control of the Shiite militias that American forces have been reluctant to fight, writes David C. Gompert.

Nation-Building Efforts Hampered By Failures to Address Health Problems — Apr. 19, 2006

Child getting injection

The United States missed opportunities to help win the support of the public in Iraq and Afghanistan by failing to make health a bigger focus of reconstruction efforts after U.S.-led invasions of the nations.

Today's Wars Are Less About Ideas Than Extreme Tribalism — Mar. 27, 2006

Western strategists and policymakers should stop talking about a clash of civilizations and focus on the real problem: extreme tribalism. Recent events - riots in many nations protesting cartoons of the prophet Muhammad, Sunni-Shiite warring in Iraq, the Taliban resurgence in Afghanistan - confirm that the West is not in a clash with Islam. Instead, Islam, which is a civilizing force, has fallen under the sway of Islamists who are a tribalizing force, writes David Ronfeldt.

The Defiant War — Mar. 19, 2006

Bad choices leave bad choices. The war against Saddam Hussein may have been a strategic mistake from the beginning, but walking away now is not the same, either practically or morally, as having avoided the strategic blunder of war in the first place, writes Gregory F. Treverton.

The Threat of Oil Jihad — Mar. 3, 2006

The Feb. 24 unsuccessful terrorist attack in Saudi Arabia on the world's largest oil processing facility was intended to bring jihad to the wallets of consumers around the world, writes Brian Michael Jenkins.

Combating Al Qaeda and the Militant Islamic Threat — Feb. 16, 2006

[T]he attention of the U.S. military and intelligence community is directed almost uniformly towards hunting down militant leaders or protecting U.S. forces—not toward understanding the enemy we now face. This is a monumental failing not only because decapitation strategies have rarely worked in countering mass mobilization terrorist or insurgent campaigns, but also because al Qaeda's ability to continue this struggle is ineluctably predicated on its capacity to attract new recruits and replenish its resources.

Amateur Hour in Iraq — Feb. 10, 2006

The American occupation of Iraq was marked by what can only be called heroic amateurism. Although the intervention was in fact the sixth American led nation building operation in little more than a decade, the Bush administration failed to apply most of the lessons learned so painfully in Somalia, Haiti, Bosnia, Kosovo and Afghanistan, writes James Dobbins.

Just Starting: The War Against Terror — Jan. 25, 2006

The central message of Osama bin Laden's latest audiotape heard 'round the world is that al-Qaida lives, he is in command, the jihadists are winning and victory is inevitable — the exact opposite of the message President George W. Bush delivers in speeches on the war on terrorism, writes Brian Michael Jenkins.

Rebuilding Security Forces and Institutions in Iraq — Jan. 4, 2006

Security Forces in Iraq

The Coalition Provisional Authority's record at rebuilding Iraqi security forces and building security sector institutions has been mixed, with too much emphasis on meeting short-term Iraqi security needs at the expense of long-term institution-building.

Force Requirements in Stability Operations — Oct. 27, 2006

Army helicopter, photo courtesy of the U.S. Army

In this 1995 article, James Quinlivan investigates the numbers required for stability operations, both for entire countries and individual cities, and explores the implications of those numbers for deployment, rotation, readiness, and personnel retention.

Iraq Needs Unity — Dec. 30, 2005

High voter turnout in the recent Iraqi elections demonstrates that democracy can mobilize the Iraqi people. What remains to be seen is whether democracy will also unite them, or drive them apart. Election returns are not encouraging on this score, writes James Dobbins.

War, Propaganda and Public Opinion — Dec. 18, 2005

Throughout America's history, the nation's citizens have been uncomfortable with the idea of government rather than a free press reporting on the news, both in the United States and abroad. Critics have labeled U.S. government attempts to bring news to people in other nations as "propaganda" intended to sway popular opinion, sometimes using false information. Supporters prefer to call such efforts "information campaigns" intended to educate the public with facts, writes Lowell Schwartz.

The Bomber Behind the Veil — Dec. 13, 2005

Two recent attacks by female suicide bombers have put the world on notice that Muslim women are playing an increasingly important role in this form of terrorism. Understanding what motivates such women is a vital first step in seeking ways to combat this deadly trend, writes Farhana Ali.

We Advance Our Cause — Dec. 11, 2005

The debate over the future of the U.S. troop presence in Iraq is heavy on accusations of deceit and cowardice and light on analysis. The American public needs an objective answer to the question: "How will withdrawing troops affect U.S. security interests?" writes David C. Gompert.

NATO's Role in Nation-building — Dec. 8, 2005

Nation-building has been a growth industry since the end of the Cold War. The United Nations, NATO, the United States and more recently the European Union have all become engaged in missions that employ armed force in post-conflict environments with the objective of supporting a political transformation, that is to say democratisation. Not every recent military expedition fits this description, but nation-building, peace-building or stabilisation operations, depending on one's preferred terminology, have become the dominant paradigm for the use of armed force in the post-Cold War world, writes James Dobbins.

Little to Argue About on Iraq — Dec. 7, 2005

The American debate over Iraq has fallen into considerable confusion. Many Democrats are urging a timetable for American withdrawal. President Bush rejects any suggestion that the United States should "cut and run," writes James Dobbins.

Shareholders Don't Shoot Each Other — Nov. 23, 2005

Privatizing Iraq's oil assets, and vesting all citizens with shares, can provide incentive for every Iraqi — including Sunnis, the insurgency's core — to view commerce as a better path than violence. Ownership would provide 28 million citizens with a prospective increase in per-capita income of about $5,800, substantially raising their present income. This is unlikely to persuade hard-core terrorists to change course. But turning all Iraqis into stockholders of the nation's oil wealth can win over the support of the bulk of the Sunni population that now backs the insurgency through provision of foot soldiers, intelligence, cover, safe houses or passive acceptance, writes Charles Wolf, Jr.

Misjudging The Jihad: Briefing Osama on All the War's Wins and Losses — Nov. 13, 2005

We see the televised briefings in Washington, but what about the briefings on the other side of on the campaign against terror, perhaps in the mountains of Pakistan? An aide briefing Osama bin Laden on the al Qaeda balance sheet today would have to admit to plenty of bad news, write Brian Michael Jenkins and Gregory F. Treverton.

Bush Needs Allies Near Iraq, However Unsavoury — Nov. 1, 2005

To stabilise Bosnia, the Clinton administration had to deal with Slobodan Milosevic and Franjo Tudjman, the two men personally responsible for the genocide Washington was trying to stop. To put together a successor regime to the Taliban in Afghanistan, the Bush administration had to deal with the regional states that had been tearing that country apart for 20 years, including Russia, Pakistan, India and Iran. The time has come for a similarly inclusive effort on Iraq, writes James Dobbins.

Terror in Historical Context — Oct. 28, 2005

President George W. Bush asserts that fighting in Iraq is a necessary correction to the responses by the Carter, Reagan, and Clinton administrations to earlier terrorist challenges. "To leave Iraq now," the president argues, "would be to repeat the costly mistakes of the past that led to the attacks of Sept. 11, 2001 … the terrorists concluded that we lacked the courage and character to defend ourselves, and so they attacked us." However, this "mistakes of the past" thesis ignores the historical context and differing circumstances of previous decisions, writes Brian Michael Jenkins.

The Logic of Suicide Terrorism — Oct. 20, 2005

Car Bomb

Suicide bombings have become an increasingly popular tool for terrorists, as witnessed in Iraq. RAND terrorism expert Bruce Hoffman discusses the logic behind suicide terrorism, how other countries that have had sustained, intense, and numerous attacks have dealt with it, and the lessons they learned in the process.

Four Years After 9/11, War on Terror Slogs On — Sep. 11, 2005

Four years after 9/11, where are we in the global war on terror? The question itself reflects our typically American desire to keep score, measure progress. Progress in World War II provided visible mileposts – the invasion of North Africa, the march through Italy, the return to the Philippines, the landing at Normandy, the liberation of Paris, the fall of Berlin, VE day, VJ day – a bloodier contest but we knew where we were going, writes Brian Michael Jenkins.

Exiting Iraq — Aug. 29, 2005

During a visit to Iraq in April, Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld said: "We don't really have an exit strategy. We have a victory strategy. We are here for a mission to set the country on the path of democracy, freedom and representative government." The successful Iraqi election last January was supposed to demonstrate that Iraq is on the correct path. Now the adoption of a constitution and the election of a post-transition government are supposed to move Iraq further on the path. But where does the path lead afterwards?, write Lowell H. Schwartz and Jeff Michaels.

Iraq's Constitution: From Dayton to Baghdad — Aug. 27, 2005

The last time American diplomats locked a group of prospective founding fathers in a room with orders not to come out until they had a constitution was a decade ago, in Dayton, Ohio. The founding fathers in question represented Bosnia's Muslim, Roman Catholic and Orthodox Christian communities. In Baghdad today, as in Dayton 10 years ago, observers have established three major criteria for success, writes James Dobbins.

In Iraq's Prisons, Try a Little Tenderness — Aug. 25, 2005

When Americans talk about "the lessons of Vietnam," they usually mean failed policies and programs that shouldn't be repeated. But there were some successes in the Vietnam War, including an initiative to win the allegiance of captured and defecting Vietcong and North Vietnamese fighters by treating them generously and reshaping their attitudes. This idea — that harsh treatment of prisoners can be less effective than showing compassion — now deserves a test in Ira, write Scott Gerwehr and Nina Hachigian.

Timing is Everything — Aug. 13, 2005

The bombings just over a month ago in London call to mind those in Madrid last year, and not just because they were both attacks on public transit. Both may have been intended to achieve goals that are important to achieving the international jihadist movement's strategy for re-establishing an authentic Sunni Caliphate that includes all lands once subject to the Caliph, writes Terrence K. Kelly.

Gauging Counterinsurgency — Aug. 09, 2005

Many Americans wonder why the world's most powerful military force, which toppled Saddam Hussein quickly and without suffering heavy casualties, is unable to stop insurgents from staging an average of 70 attacks a day across Iraq, writes Nora Bensahel.

A Future Beyond a Funeral — Aug. 05, 2005

The West must do a better job of bringing opportunity and dignity to these Muslim youths. If we can't, the terrorists will continue to prey upon such vulnerable young people, convincing them that the path to glory and dignity lies along the road of suicide bombings and explosive devices. It seems obvious that the success of the terrorist movement rests on the vulnerability of youth worldwide. In military parlance, halting this trend would be considered the deep fight, writes Ed O'Connell.

Nation-Building Missions Require Greater Security Planning — Jul. 21, 2005

Photo Courtesy of U.S. Army by Sgt. Lorie Jewell

U.S. nation-building missions in Iraq and Afghanistan have been largely unsuccessful in establishing law and order. More troops, aid, and a peace treaty or formal surrender might have prevented a prolonged insurgency.

Accelerating Economic Progress in Iraq — July 20, 2005

Because the Iraqi government remains highly centralized and because there is still no constitutional basis for devolving authority, technical assistance needs to be concentrated on making the core ministries of the central government function more efficiently, not on channeling assistance through provincial and municipal government institutions that lack the constitutional authority to make and control expenditure decisions, according to Keith Crane, testifying before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee.

The Lessons of London — Jul. 17, 2005

[W]hile we have damaged the jihadists' network, we have not dented their determination. Al-Qaeda today is an ideology that transcends the original organization to inspire many little al-Qaedas. Comprising old veterans and new volunteers, the jihadists communicate on a thousand more Web sites, train at secret locations, continue to plan and prepare attacks, writes Brian Michael Jenkins.

Military Actions Have Stretched U.S. Army Thin — Jul. 13, 2005

Photo Courtesy of U.S. Army by Edward Martens

Frequent troop deployments to Iraq and Afghanistan have stretched the U.S. Army so thin that many active-duty combat units spend more than one of every two years on foreign battlefields, leaving few brigades ready to respond to crises elsewhere.

Lessons to Be Learned from Conflicts in Bosnia, Kosovo and Afghanistan — Jun. 28, 2005

Iraq's elections gave Shia and Kurdish leaders democratic legitimacy, but they further marginalized Sunnis. As a result, the still rising tide of violence in Iraq has taken on an increasingly sectarian character. The Shia and Kurdish communities can prevail in this conflict as long as they stick together. Between them, they represent three-quarters of Iraq's population. They also have the support of both the United States and Iran, but the Sunni minority is also receiving support from neighboring Sunni societies, like Saudi Arabia and Syria. This sort of externally sponsored competition is a formula for long, bloody civil war, says James Dobbins.

Strategy: Political Warfare Neglected — Jun. 26, 2005

In Yemen three years ago, Islamic scholars challenged a group of defiant al-Qaeda prisoners to a theological debate. “If you convince us that your ideas are justified by the Koran, then we will join you in the struggle,” the scholars told the terrorists. “But if we succeed in convincing you of our ideas, then you must agree to renounce violence.” The scholars won the debate, the prisoners renounced violence, were released and were given help to find jobs. Some have since offered advice to Yemeni security services – a tip from one led to the death of al-Qaeda's top leader in the country, writes Brian Michael Jenkins

Revitalizing U.S.-Turkey Relations — June 8, 2005

In a Washington Times commentary, Frank Carlucci and F. Stephen Larrabee discuss recent developments towards re-establishing a strong relationship between the U.S. and Turkey, and key points of focus for a Turkish-American partnership, including Iraq, broader Middle East democratization, and Iran.

Can the Iraq Beast Be Tamed? — May 18, 2005

Two years after conquering Iraq, America now finds itself locked in a struggle with a fierce insurgency that is using suicide bombers, improvised explosive devices, beheadings, ambushes, kidnappings, and assassinations to kill Iraqis, Americans, and coalition forces, writes Brian Michael Jenkins.

Iraq: Democracy vs. Power Sharing — May 7, 2005

Three recent and well-studied American initiatives all had the potential to alter the equation in Iraq when they were introduced, but in unpredictable ways: the Iraqi elections, President George W. Bush's commitment to spreading democracy and the administration's handing over of more responsibility to Iraqis. In fact, these are all related, and with the fog lifting from their aftermath, it is increasingly possible to begin to predict their cumulative effects, writes James Dobbins.

Kidnappings in Iraq Strategically Effective — Apr. 29, 2005

Kidnapping for ransom or for political ends has become a key component of Iraq's resistance movement. But while terrorist kidnappers have long been able to attract publicity, create crises and occasionally obtain political concessions, insurgents in Iraq are the first in the annals of terrorism to transform kidnapping into a strategic weapon, write Brian Michael Jenkins, Meg Williams, and Ed Williams.

Contrary to Some Journalistic Snap Judgments, the Iraqi Elections Were Not a Victory for a Theocracy Controlled by Iran — Feb. 20, 2005

The final results of the Jan. 30 Iraqi elections were certified Thursday and contained no surprises — the Shiite slate of parties won a large plurality of the votes, with the Kurds making a strong showing, writes Terrence K. Kelly.

Iraq: Not Terrorist Central — Jan. 30, 2005

By fighting terrorists in Iraq, does America reduce the likelihood it will have to fight them in the United States? It is an appealing idea to a nation that continues to worry about another 9/11, but on careful analysis the argument does not stand up, writes Brian Michael Jenkins.

Upcoming Iraqi Elections Could Make Ethnic Strife There Even Worse — Jan. 26, 2005

The Iraqi elections could consolidate support among Sunnis for the insurgency, increase violence and channel the fighting that results along ethnic and religious lines. That's because Iraq's present electoral system will award representation to each province based not on its population but on the number of voters who actually reach the polls. So Baghdad and the Sunni triangle will be at a serious disadvantage. Violence there is extraordinarily high and voter participation is likely to be correspondingly low, says James Dobbins.

Our Way or the Highway — Jan. 15, 2005

By now, just about everyone has heard U.S. Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld's response to a soldier's question about the need for more armored vehicles to protect U.S. troops from insurgent attacks along Iraq's dangerous highways. But there is a more fundamental question: Why are the highway attacks still succeeding?, writes James Quinlivan.

Social Studies: 21st Century Tribes — Dec. 12, 2004

In Afghanistan and Iraq, the United States is fighting virulent tribalism as much as Islamic fundamentalism. Salafi and Wahhabi teachings calling for jihad against infidels, fatwas from clerics justifying the murder of noncombatants and ultimatums from Sunni insurgents who behead captives all are expressions of extreme tribalism more than Islam, writes David Ronfeldt.

'Oil for Food' Worked — Dec. 10, 2004

American outrage over the diversion of U.N.-supervised Iraqi oil-for-food money seems to miss three salient points. First, no American funds were stolen. Second, no U.N. funds were stolen. Third, the oil-for-food program achieved its two objectives: providing food to the Iraqi people and preventing Saddam Hussein from rebuilding his military threat to the region — and in particular from reconstituting his programs for weapons of mass destruction, writes James Dobbins.

Rereading the Duelfer Report — Nov. 15, 2004

While news that 380 tons of conventional explosives are missing from a former Iraqi military installation has made headlines, less attention is being paid to evidence that Iraqi scientists are using their skills to try to produce chemical and biological weapons for Iraqi insurgents. Even more worrisome is the possibility that these scientists could provide international terrorist groups operating in Iraq with chemical, biological or even nuclear weapons capabilities, write David E. Mosher and John V. Parachini.

Lessons from the Past for Iraq's Future — Jul. 23, 2004

Iraq's new government and its American and coalition allies are faced with the challenge of simultaneously fighting the insurgency raging across the country on both the military and political levels. They can get good advice on how to do this by studying the views of Sir Gerald Templer, the architect of Britain's victory in the Malayan insurgency during the 1950s, writes Bruce Hoffman.

Countering Radical Islam Through Understanding — Mar. 18, 2004

osama bin laden

The U.S. can counter the destabilizing forces of radical Islam by better understanding the spectrum of Muslim views—views that separate allies from adversaries.

Fighting Insurgency in Iraq

iraq statue

With Vietnam, El Salvador—and now Iraq—the U.S. has been ineffective in countering insurgencies. In light of this history, this report details where the U.S. has failed in Iraq and what challenges lie ahead.

Securing the Peace Will Require Finesse

The U.S. has made important course corrections in its approach to Iraq. The changes are also being accompanied by a shift in American military strategy toward a less prominent and less visible role for American and coalition forces on the streets of Iraq's major cities. American and Iraqi leaders will need to look beyond peace enforcement operations of the last decade and turn to British and American experiences of the past half-century in places like Malaysia, Kenya, Vietnam and Northern Ireland for inspiration, writes James Dobbins.

Future Trends in the Middle East

Middle east icon

This report examines key trends in Middle East—energy security, weapons of mass destruction, economic reform, and leadership change—and their implications for the U.S.

Why We Didn't Get the Picture

U.S. intelligence analysts have been taking a lot of criticism lately, but when all the investigations are completed, we will discover that this wasn't an intelligence analysis failure? Perhaps it is intelligence collection failure, combined with a misunderstanding about how intelligence really works, writes Bruce Berkowitz.

Middle East in the Shadow of Afghanistan and Iraq

Summarizes discussion at the May 2003 Geneva Centre for Security conference: impact of Iraq on the war on terrorism; the future of Iran and Iraq, the war on Syria, the Levant, Turkey, Jordan, and the Arabian peninsula; and the effect of the war on transatlantic ties.

America's Role in Nation-Building: From Germany to Iraq

America's Role in Nation-Building

Examines lessons from seven case studies -- Germany, Japan, Somalia, Haiti, Bosnia, Kosovo, and Afghanistan -- then applies these to the Iraq case. The results suggest that nation-building will be difficult but possible for the U.S.

 

RAND and Middle East Policy Analysis

RAND's work on the Middle East is conducted by virtually every one of its research divisions. For example, RAND's Center for Middle East Public Policy is working with RAND Education on an effort to improve education in the Middle East.

Congressional Testimony: Next Steps in Iraq and Beyond

Testimony presented before the Committee on Foreign Relations, United States Senate by writes James Dobbins .

Tackling Social Policy Issues in the Middle East

RAND's Center for Middle East Public Policy, in conjunction with RAND Education, has embarked on a major research effort aimed at rehabilitating K-12 education in the Middle East.

Confronting Iraq

A RAND report from 2000 -- Confronting Iraq: U.S. Policy and the Use of Force Since the Gulf War -- analyzes attempts to coerce Iraq since Desert Storm. It examines military strikes and other pressure, and discusses constraints by domestic politics and international alliances.

Persian Gulf Security: Improving Allied Military Contributions

Lays out a practical and realistic blueprint for securing improved European force contributions to Persian Gulf security that appears well within the allies' political, financial, and military means.

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