1. Introduction: Research, Science, and Accountability

The U.S. federal budget for research and development (R&D) appears likely to decline over the next six years. The American Association for the Advancement of Science (AAAS) projects that federal R&D will decline from $73.7 billion in fiscal year (FY) 1997 to $72.1 billion in FY 2002.[1] This represents a cut of 2.2 percent, or 14 percent after adjusting for expected inflation. This is the largest single decline in the federal R&D budget since the early 1970s. Except for Japan, where plans are in place to significantly expand the public R&D budget,[2] other industrialized nations face similar declining prospects for their national R&D budgets.

As budget deficits and public debt continue to constrain national spending in industrialized nations, policymakers are seeking ways to increase the productivity of the public research dollar. Cooperation among researchers from different countries may provide a way to leverage dollars and increase the productivity of research. The European Union, for example, sponsors the S&T (Science and Technology) Framework Programme to provide opportunities for trans-European cooperation in research that requires investments of a large scale or broad scope. Asian nations also place a priority on international cooperation in science and technology, particularly in areas that support industrial research.

U.S. government policymakers have expressed an interest in increasing international R&D cooperation. In a December 1996 press conference, John Gibbons, Science Advisor to President Clinton, said that as federal R&D budgets shrink, U.S. scientists and program officers should consider expanding international science cooperation as a way to share the cost of developing knowledge, leverage dollars, and increase R&D productivity.[3] While these benefits may accrue to the United States in some cases, they will surely not in every case of international cooperation.

Thus, policymakers need to be able to evaluate when international cooperation is an efficient and effective use of federal dollars. To understand this, policymakers and scientists need to know under what conditions cooperation makes sense, what benefits may accrue to the nation as a result of this activity, and how to monitor benefits over time. Unfortunately, little research exists on ways to track the returns to the nation of investing in R&D, and even fewer studies describe ways to assess the benefits of international cooperation.[4]

Pros and Cons of Cooperating

Science is by nature an international activity, but this doesn't mean that all science benefits from cooperation. In a 1995 report, the congressional Office of Technology Assessment (OTA) stated that "the expanding range of scientific and technological undertakings, and the development of new tools to expedite the exchange of information, have reinforced and augmented the international dimension of scientific inquiry."[5] The OTA study identifies four key reasons why international cooperation in science (at least for factors leading to an increase in "big science," the subject of the OTA study), makes sense: However, the logistics of cooperating with colleagues from around the world is almost always more difficult and more expensive than participating in domestically-based research. Time differences and language barriers complicate communications, physical distance makes travel expensive, and different levels of national commitments to project funding may reduce the efficiency or increase the risk of joint projects. International projects may sometimes require significant and possibly duplicative equipment purchases in the United States and abroad. Moreover, if the United States is leading in an area of science, there may be less incentive for the United States to share knowledge and resources with other countries, at least in some fields.

The OTA study also identified a number of limitations to participating in international collaborative projects, including the following:

The Larger Trend Toward Accountability

The financial and scientific motives for increasing international cooperation are colliding with the national debate surrounding the issue of quantitative assessment of government research and development programs. The debate about measuring research and development arises in the context of a government-wide trend toward public accountability for the benefits received for dollars spent. Several recent events have shifted the attention of government program managers from focusing ex ante at justifying budgets and ex post at evaluating programs, toward continuous tracking and monitoring of activities using performance measures. This trend is motivated in part by a similar change in industrial management practices. Continuous tracking and monitoring received its largest boost in the summer of 1993, when the U.S. Congress passed the Government Performance and Results Act (GPRA) "to improve the efficiency and effectiveness of Federal programs by setting goals for program performance and measuring results."[8] The Act urges federal agencies to shift from an input focus to "an emphasis on performance and results."[9] These requirements are also contained in the Clinton Administration's National Performance Review.[10] Federal government agencies are testing new management practices and preparing to report program-based strategic plans, milestones, and outcome measures as part of the FY99 budget cycle.

The task of continuous tracking and monitoring of R&D outputs and outcomes is particularly arduous because these programs' progress is hard to anticipate and their results are difficult to predict and measure. Moreover, the results of scientific research are often an intermediate product--new knowledge--which is then applied to reach other goals. As the National Science and Technology Council (NSTC) has noted in its report on assessing fundamental science: "Science proceeds through a slow process of accretion of results. Major breakthroughs do not necessarily occur on a regular basis, and an essential element of scientific research is the replication of earlier findings in order to confirm or generalize them."[11] Existing measures described briefly in this report, and more fully in other RAND publications cited later, can capture important elements of research output, but, as the NSTC has noted, significant aspects of research cannot be quantified using straightforward measurement techniques.[12]

Although scientific research is hard to quantify, measures do have a place in understanding the benefits of international cooperation, particularly those related to new knowledge creation. Moreover, international cooperation has a number of goals beyond the creation of new scientific knowledge that provide possibilities for measurement. In addition to the creation of new scientific knowledge, goals for scientific activity, such as access to data and equipment, improved world health, enhanced political relations, and national defense and security, provide fields for measurement. However, ICRD activities are not easily identifiable in traditional budget reporting; activities are decentralized and dispersed throughout the government. Collecting these activities together for the purpose of measuring benefits requires crafting a methodology and criteria for identification.

Boundaries, Scope, and Methodology of this Study

This study examines government spending on international cooperation in research and development (ICRD) and attempts to draw from, regroup, and augment existing assessment methods to create a framework for measuring the benefits of ICRD on a real-time, continuous basis.[13] Because of the diversity and range of the ICRD activities being studied, analytic boundaries have been drawn for the purpose of conducting this study, focusing on

Actual Activities Versus International Science and Technology Agreements

International science and technology agreements (ISTAs) can be an important indicator of national interest to cooperate in R&D. In fiscal year 1995, the United States government had 26 active "umbrella" or "framework" ISTAs signed at the White House level. These agreements provide the protocol for sharing scientific data and equipment, exchanging researchers, and conducting collaborative projects. In addition to the framework agreements, the Department of State's Title V Report cites over 850 agency-to-agency bilateral and multilateral agreements to conduct international cooperative research, provide technical support, or share data and/or equipment. Fourteen agencies have signed international science and technology agreements with 71 countries and 2 regions (the European Union and a consortium of African countries) in 22 fields of science and technology. Most agreements are bilateral: In the 1995 Title V report, 651 of the agreements reported were signed by the United States and one other nation. Multilateral ISTAs accounted for 116 of the signed agreements.

It has been widely assumed that ISTAs constitute the scope of U.S. ICRD activities. In fact, ISTAs are non-funded, diplomatic-level agreements that have no associated budget authority. Many ISTAs are never fully implemented because of lack of funds from one or more parties. On the other end of the spectrum, individual investigators often collaborate with their international peers without reference to the existence of an ISTA. Relying on the list of ISTAs can actually be misleading when the goal is identifying the range and character of ICRD actually being funded by the U.S. government. Accordingly, this study identifies federally funded ICRD projects regardless of whether they were sponsored by or were otherwise a part of a government-to-government ISTA. While we were aware of the many ISTAs in place to encourage international cooperation, we did not use these as a guide to find ICRD activities. Rather, we sought to identify actual, on-going, federally funded international cooperative activities.

Research and Development Versus Science and Technology

In popular literature, the terms "science and technology" and "research and development" are sometimes used interchangeably, but, within the U.S. federal government, they have very different meanings. R&D is a specifically defined budget category, constituting the $70+ billion often referred to in government and policy publications when discussing the government's investment in science and technology.[14] The federal government's $70+ billion R&D investment is split between defense research, which claims half or more of the total R&D budget, and discretionary funding at more than a dozen research and mission-oriented agencies.

The Office of Management and Budget (OMB) defines R&D activities within the federal budget in Circular A-11 as activities falling within these general guidelines:

OMB allows individual agencies some latitude in determining which activities constitute the conduct of R&D. Each agency may use its traditional, historic definitions of R&D when reporting R&D activities to OMB. As a result, each federal agency defines the "stages" (basic, applied, and development) of R&D in the context of its particular mission. This results in variations among the agencies as to what constitutes basic and applied research and development.

Agency variations in accounting for R&D result in data that are often difficult to compare. The OMB definitions of R&D specifically exclude the training of scientific and technical personnel. However, the support of research assistantships for Ph.D. research is sometimes included in the "conduct of R&D" as a grant provided by an agency to a scientific researcher. Moreover, R&D data may differ across agencies in the accounting for salaries and indirect costs: These may be included or excluded from the total R&D budget, depending upon the nature of the research or the vehicle for its funding.

Among the agencies, the Department of Defense (DoD) has the most unique approach to accounting for R&D. The DoD reports seven stages of R&D to OMB: DoD budget categories 6.1-6.3 correlate with the OMB definitions for basic, applied, and development R&D--DoD refers to all three categories as "S&T." The DoD delineates budget categories 6.4-6.7 as testing, evaluation, and design activities--DoD refers to these four categories as "R&D." The federal government's $70+ billion R&D budget comprises all seven DoD 6.1-6.7 activities' budgets.

Specifically not counted as R&D within the U.S. government budget are endowments, such as the U.S.-Israel Science and Technology Commission; capital investment, such as the Global Seismographic Network; routine product testing; quality control; mapping; collection of general-purpose statistics; experimental production; routine monitoring and evaluation of an operational program; and the training of scientific and technical personnel. Some of these activities might be considered S&T by a reasonable observer and may involve some international cooperative activities, such as collecting, tracking, and reporting weather data. Nevertheless, these activities are not budgeted as R&D so that they cannot be compared across agencies or tracked from year to year.

The particularities of federal budgeting terms and practices have important implications for this study. To create an inventory of international R&D spending that is comparable across agencies and over time, this project used government R&D budget dollars because these are identifiable, comparable, and traceable data.[15] Figure 1.1 illustrates how the terms are used and where this study has focused its efforts. Figure 1.1 also shows how, in an effort to make the data comparable across agencies, we eliminated the DoD 6.4-6.7 data from this inventory, since these activities generally involve testing and evaluation activities not conducted under R&D budgets in other agencies.

Figure 1.1--"Research and Development" Versus "Science and Technology"

The collection and assessment methods used in this study are designed to allow reproducible and comparable results across a number of cases. The study included four phases: First, we conducted an inventory of government spending on international cooperation in R&D in FY95.[16] Second, we developed a notional list of benefits that might be expected to accrue to the United States in the process of conducting the types of international cooperation in R&D identified in phase one. Third, we examined possible measures for assessing the benefits of these activities, and, with this list, we constructed a framework that matches benefits to measures in a way that would elicit real-time quantitative and qualitative information on ICRD activities. Finally, we conducted a case study to test whether the framework and the suggested measures provided practical, policy-relevant information. This report presents the findings from and analysis of these four phases of the project.

Organization of This Report

Following this introduction, Chapter Two describes the data collection process: The methodology used for this study is unique, and understanding it is central to interpreting the results of the study. Chapter Three contains the quantitative results of the inventory of FY95 government spending on international cooperation in R&D as well analysis of the data. Chapter Four presents a framework for assessing the benefits of ICRD and describes a case study that used the assessment framework as a guide. Chapter Five concludes with remarks on the need for and ways to improve data collection on international cooperation. Appendix A contains summary tables of the data we collected. Appendix B is output from RAND's Web page of RaDiUS, outlining U.S. government programs that report ICRD.


[1]AAAS Report XXII: Research and Development FY 1998, AAAS and the Intersociety Working Group, Washington, D.C., 1997.

[2]Science Magazine, Vol. 275, February 7, 1997, p. 743.

[3]New Technology Week, December 9, 1996, p. 1.

[4]One relevant study is Techniques and Methods for Assessing the International Standing of U.S. Science, Caroline Wagner, Santa Monica, Calif.: RAND, MR-706.0-OSTP, 1995.

[5]U.S. Congress, Office of Technology Assessment, International Partnerships in Large Science Projects, OTA-BP-ETI-150, Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, July 1995, pp. 11-12.

[6]Ibid.

[7]Ibid. p. 13.

[8]Report of the Committee on Governmental Affairs, United States Senate, to accompany S. 20, Government Performance and Results Act of 1993, U.S. Government Printing Office, June 16, 1993, 103rd Congress, 1st Session, Report 103-58, p. 2.

[9]Leon E. Panetta, Memorandum for the Heads of Executive Departments and Agencies, M-94-2, Executive Office of the President, Office of Management and Budget, October 8, 1993.

[10]Vice President Al Gore, From Red Tape to Results: Creating a Government that Works Better and Costs Less, report of the National Performance Review, Washington, D.C., September 7, 1993.

[11]National Science and Technology Council, Assessing Fundamental Science, Committee on Fundamental Science, July 1996, p. 4.

[12]Ibid., p. 7.

[13]Research and development is a budget term used by the Office of Management and Budget and applied within government agencies to define a specific form of federal investment activity. In fiscal year 1995 this activity amounted to approximately $70 billion. Only those activities classified by federal agencies as "R&D" are included in this inventory. We recognize that projects and activities outside of the defined set of "R&D" projects might be considered to be scientific or technical in nature, but to ensure consistency, we do not include these activities in this inventory.

[14]For example, the 1995 National Academy of Sciences report (Allocating Federal Funds for Science and Technology, issued by the Committee on Criteria for Federal Support of Research and Development, National Academy of Sciences, National Academy of Engineering, Institute of Medicine, and the National Research Council) uses "R&D" and "S&T" almost interchangeably throughout the report.

[15]The case study described in the appendix sought to include all S&T activities without regard to R&D budgetary classification.

[16]The U.S. federal government's fiscal year begins on October 1 and ends on September 30.


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